The Politics of Identity and Australian Muslim Students’ Associations: A Preliminary Survey of the Literature.1 Introduction
The distinction between Islam and the ‘various manifestations of its practice [is] a
subtle but extremely important one,’2 when gauging the impact of religiosity on the
identities of Muslim youths in diaspora. One might expect that in an age of accelerated
global and cultural interaction, an erosion of misconceptions as well as stereotypes
vis-à-vis Islam will usher in an enlightened and rational exchange of ideas, debates and
thought processes. What experience and objective observation reveals, however, is that
this is not necessarily the case. A study of Muslims in diaspora and Muslim youth
subculture show that both individually and collectively a progressive Muslim and Islam
conscious identity is an underdeveloped field of analysis.
Often we hear tired expressions like, ‘young people are the future,’ or ‘the future
is in your hands,’ but rarely do we fully understand the implications of such platitudes.
1 This paper was presented to the 18th Biennial Conference of the Asian Studies Association of Australia in Adelaide, 5-8 July 2010. It has been peer reviewed via a double referee process and appears on the Conference Proceedings Website by the permission of the author who retains copyright. This paper may be downloaded for fair use under the Copyright Act (1954), its later amendments and other relevant legislation.
2 Amal Mohammed Al-Malki. (2009), Islamic Feminists distinguish Islam from Muslims. 31 March. (24 April, 2010).
One might expect that they are essential to engender hope in both the imaginations of the
younger generation and the older generation. In studies of youth culture in Western
liberal democratic nation-states,3 literature on Muslim youth subculture, particularly
university-aged students, is stereotyped and lacking in comprehensive analysis.
Unfortunately some of these analyses of Muslim youths in a post-September 11,
geopolitical and socio-cultural climate are coloured by the equally stereotypical opinions
of an older generation of Muslim migrants. Such banal observations, although
disheartening, are not without merit, further contributing to the lack of critical
observations and analyses of Muslim youth subculture.
Recent geopolitical events have brought Muslim communities, particularly those
in the diasporas, under intense scrutiny. The negative implications of this are now
becoming obvious. As a consequence discussions, debates and policy roundtable
meetings have been convened to try to help Muslims assimilate and integrate into their
‘new’ homes. Of particular interest to this paper are Muslim students in universities in
Australia and the projected trend towards conservatism.
The following research tries, to gauge the issues surrounding the concerns
expressed in literature about the role of Muslim Student Associations (MSAs) in
engendering an Australian Muslim identity. A contemporary study of Muslim youth
subculture, particularly in Australia, calls for a different approach than those carried out
earlier in order to gauge the connection between student (non)-activism on campus and
Conservatism is difficult to adequately define for it is prone to ‘internal
contradictions’4. Generally speaking conservatism implies a certain degree of comfort
and familiarity for a continuation between historical and contemporary ‘values and
positions’.5 Conserving and continuing traditional values and positions itself offers a
challenge, for change is inevitable and therefore the values and positions that are
3 A nation-state refers to a state consisting of citizens who are loosely homogenous and are linked through shared history, language, culture and religion. Department of Defense Dictionary of Military and Associated terms. <http://www.dtic.mil/doctrine/jel/doddict/> (29 June, 2010).
4 Müller, J-W (2006) 'Comprehending conservatism: A new framework for analysis. Journal of Political Ideologies, 11: 3. p. 259.
5 Bensko, N L. , Canetto, S. S, Sugar, J A. and Viney, W (1995) 'Liberal or Conservative? Gender,
conserved are continually evolving.6 For the purpose of this analysis the term
conservative in the context of Islam is used here to refer to individuals who may be
considered foundationalists. In other words the preferred source of Islamic guidance by
religious conservatives is the Qur’an and the Sunnah (the teachings and sayings of the
Prophet Muhammad). The term conservative Muslim therefore is used to refer to a
‘practicing’ Muslim, a Muslim that openly professes Islam as their primary marker of
identity and practices the five guiding principles of Islam as set out in the five pillars of
Islam. Conservative Muslims are not to be confused with Wahhabism, as tends to be the
case. Wahhabism on the other hand is a religio-political movement born from an alliance
between the 18th century ruler of the House of Saud and the teachings of Muhammad ibn
The purpose of this research is to explore discussions about Muslim Students
Associations and their role in shaping the identity of their members. It aims to address the
gaps in existing research, demonstrating the pressing need for a more comprehensive
inquiry regarding Australian Muslim youth subculture and the role of MSAs following
the events of September 11, 2001. By examining the role of MSAs and the issues that
arise in understanding the politics of identity of Muslim students, this paper aims to
contribute to cultural and religious literacy on campuses in times of social insecurity. The
research focuses on undergraduate university students who are predominantly local
students. This is no way intends to underplay the role and influence that Muslim
international students may have on the identity formation of local students.7
Using the Australian Muslim Students Associations as a case study, the analysis
provides an overview of the history, ideology and structure of Muslim Students
Associations and a preliminary discussion and evaluation of the factors that purport to be
the driving factors that contribute towards the conservatism of Muslim youths on campus,
Identity, and Perception of Historical Religious Positions' The Journal of Psychology, 129: 6. p. 629
6 Minogue, K. (1 967). Conservatism. In P. Edwards (Ed.), the Encyclopaedia of Philosophy (Vol. 2, pp. 195-198). New York: Macmillan.
7Chowdhury observes that a significant number of Australian MSAs are made up of international students, predominantly from Malaysia and Indonesia. Furthermore, Chowdhury notes a particularly interesting phenomenon taking place in Australian MSAs, ‘Australian Muslim converts often assume active roles within the MSA. Chowdhury, N. (2006). Presenting Islam: The role of Australia-Based Muslim Student Associations. Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs. 26:2. p. 3.
as hypothesized in the literature. Among the broader questions explored in this analysis
(i) Is conservatism in Australian MSAs necessarily a negative direction for
MSAs? Is this a universal trend or one that manifests itself only in Australian
(ii) What accounts for the concerns subtly referred to by commentators and
scholars of Muslims in diaspora in the available literature?
Muslim Student Associations: A Historical Analysis
On the surface Muslim Student Associations, regardless of where they were
created, are like any other ‘collegiate faith group.’8 The point of delineation, however, is
the junction where creating a religious, Islamic-friendly environment meets conformity
and advocates an ‘association-friendly’ perspective of Islam.9 The Muslim Students’
Association of the United States and Canada (also know as MSA National) was
established at a conference organized by the American Muslim Students’ Association in
Urbana, Illinois, in 1963.10 According to the constitution of MSA National, its mission
[t]o serve the best interest of Islam and Muslims in the United States and Canada so as to enable them to practice Islam as a complete way of life. Towards this end, it shall, in cooperation with the Islamic Society of North America:11
8 Stephen Schwartz. The Muslim Student Association: A Wahhabi Front. The National Review Online. March 10, 2003. Originally published on <http://www.nationreview.com > (10 June 2010).
9 It should be noted here that it is not the intention of the research to pass judgment in favor of, or in opposition to MSAs but to highlight the issues, debates, discussions and points of contention in the study of Australian Muslim youth subculture
10 The Association of Muslim Students in America (AMSA) is the precursor to the existing MSA model found throughout North America and Australia. AMSA merged in 1946 as an organization that addressed and catered to the needs of international Muslim students particularly those from the Arab Muslim world who came to pursue further education in America. AMSA was dissolved in 1976 for unclear and vague reasons that went undocumented. For more information on the relationship, structural and ideological similarities and or differences between MSA National and AMSA see the Muslim Students Association of Concordia University website <http://msa.concordia.ca/main/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=81&Itemid=143> (29 June 2009).
11 According to its own website, the Islam Society of North America (ISNA) is an umbrella organization that attempts to advance the interests, concerns and issues of Muslims in North American to a wider political and social audience. Its mission is to facilitate ‘a common platform for presenting Islam, supporting Muslim communities, developing educational, social and outreach programs and fostering good
i. Help Muslim student organizations carry out Islamic programs and projects;
ii. Assist Muslim students organizing themselves for Islamic activities; and
iii. Mobilize and coordinate the human and material resources of Muslim
The constitution of MSA National is a comprehensive document that sets out the
conditions of affiliation, the structural organization of present and potential MSA
chapters, and the rights and responsibilities of the various chapters. The constitution is no
way offensive to Muslims regardless of their religious leanings or lack thereof. This is to
say that in an attempt to find the root causes of the conservatism of MSAs, critics cannot
use the constitution of MSA National as evidence of conservatism as is the case for
HAMAS.13 International observers of the ongoing Israel-Palestine conflict cite HAMAS’
constitution as the reason for the organization’s extremist tendencies. Based on MSA
National’s constitution one can observe that based on its ideological platform
conservatism in MSA youth subculture is neither institutionalized nor a universal trend.
Thus, the conservative traits and/or tendencies of Australian MSAs depend on the
makeup of its leaders, its members, and their level of their religiosity and political
Muslim Student Associations: A Survey of the Literature.
The literature suggests that a trend towards conservatism has been emerging in
Muslim Student Associations (MSAs) in the West in the wake of the September 11
relations with other religious communities, and civic and service organizations. <http://www.isna.net/ISNAHQ/pages/Mission--Vision.aspx#> (05 June 2010)
12 The Constitution of the Muslim Students’ Association of the United States and Canada. <http://www.msanational.org/about/constitution/> (05 June 2010).
13 Harakat al Mawqawama al Islamiyaa [Islamic Resistance Movement, also known as HAMAS] has been listed as a terrorist organization by numerous nation-states. It is a complex organization with numerous religious, political, economic and social reform mandates.
14 The term conservative is not to be mistaken for fundamentalist or traditionalists. Rather it is used here to refer to individuals who may be considered foundationalists. This is to say that their preferred sources of Islamic guidance are heavily influenced by the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad via the Sunnah and the Qur’an. Conservative Muslims are not to be confused with Wahhabism, as it tends to be the case. Wahhabism on the other hand is a religio-political movement born from an alliance between the 18th century ruler of the House of Saudi and the teachings of Muhammad ibn Abdul Wahhab.
attacks and the subsequent backlash against Muslim communities in diaspora. Scholars
concerned with Islam in the West in general, and Muslim student activism in the West in
particular, have largely focused on MSAs as a tool for conservatism, radicalization and,
extremism. This one dimensional paradigmatic analysis of MSAs and Muslim youth
subculture calls for a different approach.
In my attempt to ascertain why a gradual trend towards conservatism is emerging
in MSAs, I see that the extant literature divides into three different streams: those of an
external nature; the tensions and debates from within; and Arabization.15 Whilst
scholars draw their readership’s attention towards these trends they do not necessarily
highlight the particular factors that account for them.
Academics such as Olivier Roy, Clinton Bennett16, Meghnad Desai17 and Angela
M. Rabasa 18 recall the concept of ummah19and advance the rationale that external
factors and Muslim youth’s connectedness to geopolitical affairs involving Muslims
abroad is a core concern. A more a convincing theory that allows us to comprehend the
conservatism of MSA members is that conflicting tensions between spirituality,
religiosity and secularism are contributing factors towards this emerging trend.
The emergence of new labels in academia, the media and popular culture to
delineate the differences between a terrorist and an ‘every-day’ Muslim has confounded
the situation. The list of labels is extensive and does little to shed light on the situation.
Labels such as moderate, liberal, and progressive engineer a certain type of response that
may be misconstrued and generally does not foster engagement amongst more
‘conservative’ Muslims.20 This is to say that by attaching labels to visible minorities who
already feel, either right or wrongly, that they are fodder for discrimination does not
foster a more inclusive environment. Rather, these contribute to feelings of isolation.
15 For the purpose of this analysis Arabization is used to refer to the growing influence of Arab cultural and Islamic practices on non-Arab Muslim cultures and traditions.
16 Clinton Bennett, Muslims and Modernity: An Introduction to the Issues and Debates. (London: Continuum, 2005).
17 Meghnad Desai. Rethinking Islamism: The Ideology of the New Terror. (London: I.B. Tauris, 2007). 18 Angela M. Rabasa et al. The Muslim World After 9/11. (The United States of America: The RAND Corporation, 2004).
19 The term ummah is used to denote a common and imagined link between all Muslims generally regardless of color, race, ethnic, cultural ties and locations.
Thus, the introduction of new, rather incongruous, labels into the vernacular further
contributes to the ‘identity soup’ and the layered complexities of Muslims in Australia.
A different perspective espoused by scholars of contemporary Islamic studies
such as Genieve Abdo, Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and Omid Safi in ascertaining the
rationale for the emerging conservatism in MSAs in America in particular is the internal
tensions within Muslim communities. This perspective notes that past generations of
Muslim migrants to the West were focused on economic gains and upward social
mobility. In their pursuit of greater wealth, ‘the first generation of immigrants arrived
with a pristine ‘ethnic culture’21 which had no experience in adapting Islamic practices
and traditions to unfamiliar and essentially ‘un-Islamic’ environs. For these academics
the problems of the Muslim youths in diaspora lies within their own society. Yucel
Demirer observes that ‘… the most significant division … was not between Muslims and
non-Muslims with their different religious backgrounds, but between those of different
levels of knowledge, interest [and experiences of] Islam.’22
So in search of thetrue Islam, second generation Muslims were faced with
conflicting conceptions of what it meant to be a Muslim in a non-Muslim society. These
emotions resonate with university students who are largely removed from the influence of
their parents. MSAs have tended to fill this void in the perceived cultural and identity
crisis amongst Muslim students on campus, thus producing what I refer to as ‘born again’
Lastly, the growing influence and usurpation of MSA leadership posts by
international students – particularly those from the Middle East – is put forth as perhaps
the strongest argument in explaining the trend towards conservatism. The influence of
‘desert Islam’23 and the Arabization of MSAs has been described by Manji as doing a
20 Omid Safi. 2003. 21 Olivier Roy Globalised Islam: The Search for a New Ummah (London, UK: Hurst & Company, 2004), 122.
22 Yucel Demirer. Shifts in the Classroom Environment after September 11: Notes from Islam Classes of the Mainland Security, United States. Radical History Review: 99,227-241, Fall 2007.
23 Irshad Manji uses the term ‘desert Islam’ to lambaste the growing influence and penetration of ‘Arab’ cultural practices into the non-Arab Muslim cultures masquerading as Islamic traditions. Manji bemoans and foreshadows the consequences of ‘desert Islam’ on the lives of Muslims who call the West home for generations. Irshad Manji, The Trouble with Islam: A Muslim’s Call for Reform in her Faith. (Australia: Random House Australia, 2004).
disservice to the progression and participation of Muslims in the West.
Australian Muslim Student Associations: A Review
The relevance of external factors in contributing to the growing conservatism of
MSAs is more often than not exaggerated by those who champion this perspective. An
oft-cited but not well articulated hypothesis that explains the conservatism of MSAs is
the concept of Arabization. Despite the popularity in the literature of this explanatory
view, it does not necessarily facilitate an understanding of the wider issues that
preoccupy Muslim youth in the diaspora. On the contrary, the internal frustrations of
Muslim youth and the generational tensions between first generation immigrant Muslims
and their children is more likely to be the reason than other factors hypothesized by
External factors refer to the frustration with the state and condition of the Muslim
ummah; the ‘war on terror’ and the foreign policies of their respective government’s
vis-à-vis the Middle East. The significance of the events of September 11 and its
influence in shaping the conservatism of Muslim youths, particularly university youths in
Australia, is greatly exaggerated.24 The following analysis highlights that although this
event may well have reinforced xenophobic and Islamophobic tendencies towards
Muslims these examples cannot necessarily be used as evidence to suggest the reality of
conservative tendencies of MSA members. Despite there been an element of truth in the
sentiment that when the nineteen terrorists ‘hijacked, planes, they hijacked Islam,’25 the
issue is more complex. The reality is that most Muslims in Australia are naturalized
citizens and it is the actions and blind support of their government’s vis-à-vis the ‘war on
terror’ and the war in Iraq that preoccupy MSA round table discussions.
Academics who advance external factors as the reason for Muslim student
24 It is not the intention of the research to downplay the impact of September 11 or attitudes and emotions of Australians following the attacks.
25 Genieve Abdo. Mecca and Main Street: Muslim Life in America after 9/11. (New York, US: Oxford University Press, 2006). 13.
conservatism are not necessarily incorrect. Nonetheless, external factors are not sufficient
in gauging the factors that contribute to the observed conservative tendencies in
Australian MSAs. Notwithstanding the superficial nature of Arabization as a contributing
factor, external factors have not affected the appeal of advancing external dynamics in
academia in illuminating the reasons for conservatism.
The influence of Arabization in the debate has largely been diluted by a
significant factor: a growing number of Australian MSAs are comprised of local
Muslims, not necessarily international students. The non-significance of Arabization
cannot, however, be considered as significant discourse in explaining conservatism in
MSAs for religiosity and spirituality is to some extent influenced by notable and
respected shuyuks26and self-appointed spokespeople from the Middle East.
The concept of the Arabization of MSA youth subculture is discussed by Irshad
Manji. Manji laments the lack of individual thought and then near extinction of the once
revered practice of ijtihad27amongst Muslim youths in the West. Manji’s narrow focus
on the concept of Arabization as a cause for concern in creating an environment that
facilitates conservatism reaffirms conventional opinions in scholarship regarding Muslim
youths in the cultural and geographic West.
Stephen Schwartz’s damning opinions of MSAs as an ‘octopus-like entity’28 to
garner support for questionable characters like the late Saddam Hussein and a cover for
Wahhabi-inspired terrorist organizations has become mainstream and tediously
conventional.29 In his study of North American MSAs, Schwartz provides a
26 The term shuyukh is the plural for the Arabic word sheikh. The term sheikh is used to refer to a religious and theological leader of a Muslim community. At times it can also be used as an honorary title, further contributing to the slippery and subjective nature of religious and theological terms, particularly in an age of political correctness.
27 The term ijtihad literally means effort. It refers to the ability to exercise independent judgment when reading and/or analyzing Islamic texts (i.e. the Qur’an, the Sunnah, and subsequent secondary material). Irshad Manji (2004), 202.
28 Stephen Schwartz. An Activist’s Guide to Arab and Muslim Campus and Community Organizations in North America. May 26, 2003 <http://www.discoverthenetworks.org/guides/Muslim%20Booklet.pdf.> (10 June 2010)
comprehensive exposé of the links between MSAs in North America and other Muslim
organizations funded by nation-states in the Middle East.30 Although it is true that in the
early stages of the evolution and formation of MSAs in North America, financial and
ideological support was provided by the Saudi government, nowadays this is not the
case.31 What is particularly puzzling is why the nature and origin of the funding of
MSAs come into question - particularly if it is from Saudi Arabia - when an alliance
between the Australian government and Saudi Arabia is accepted without reservations.32
Such peculiarities erode the analytical credibility of the concept of Arabization as a
persuasive explanation into the conservatism of Australian MSAs.
The internal frustrations referred to in this analysis are the interactions of
Australian Muslim youths with one another, not the internal dynamics of MSAs per se,
even though they are not mutually exclusive. Rather the external dynamics of the internal
contribute to conservative tendencies of MSAs. Academics that ascribe to this view
explore the generational tensions and the quest for a spiritual and religious Muslim
identity as opposed to a cultural Muslim identity. Olivier Roy, Quintain Wictorowicz,
Tariq Ramadan and Clinton Bennett point to the unspoken and often unheeded
tension-riddled dialogue between Islam and secularism and how the two can reconcile
their differences and come to a mutual understanding of how living an Islamic life in a
Western society acts as catalysts for frictions in Muslim diasporas.
Even though it is standard (even a cliché) to cite September 11 as the
reawakening of the Muslim ummah, it is true for the mainstream. In the wake of
September 11, Muslims in the West ‘felt an urgent need to embrace their beliefs and
Islamic unity as a unified community.’33 Calls for self-evaluation and reform from within
30 Ibid. 31 Genieve Abdo (2006), 49. 32 For an insight into the financial links between the Australian Government and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia see Council for Australian-Arab Relations (CAAR) and Australia Arab Chamber of Commerce and Industry (AACCI) paper entitled Business Guides to the Arab Gulf: The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia prepared by Bayliss Associates, Pty Ltd. (12 August, 2010).
have occupied copious volumes of scholarship given that Muslims in the diaspora are
faced with the challenge to uphold Islamic principles whilst establishing and reinforcing a
sense of belonging. This is to say that an unnoticed phenomenon is taking place on
Australian campuses vis-à-vis Australian Muslims- namely, the problems associated with
self-identification and the articulation of identity. As trivial as this sounds, how an
individual defines themself is critical to their sense of security as well as their allegiances
Questions surrounding identity are as divisive as the underlying generational
tensions existing in Muslim communities in the West. The identity soup of existing labels
for Muslims serves the purpose to first isolate Muslims, thus making them appear more
and more like the feared other, and second to compel Muslims to further internalize their
frustration and search for other forms of belonging. It is this void that MSAs
The generational tensions are considered to be a result of the ambiguities and
complexities surrounding notions of identity. The older generation of Muslim migrants
have particularly focused on cultural expressions of Islam. This is to say that older
generations were particularly focused on their own interpretation of Islam inspired by
their cultural and ancestral values, as opposed to an authentic and true Islam. This
idiosyncrasy is mainly found in Arab and South East Asian Muslim diasporas. Examples
of such values would be reinforcing gender stereotypes, encouraging gender-specific
careers, reinforcing ethnic superiorities and other idiosyncrasies that are at odds with the
aspiration of the younger generation of Muslim students today. The younger generation,
rather a large portion of the second generation of Muslims, seems to be focusing on
nurturing a spiritual Muslim identity. MSAs nowadays provide them with an opportunity
to incorporate their desire ‘to embrace Islam with negotiating the rigors of daily life …
The study of Muslim youth subculture is still in its infancy. Discourse on
Australian Muslim youth subculture, particularly on MSAs, is largely fixated on the
external influences acting on the MSAs. This is not conducive to reaching valid
conclusions that have the potential to influence policies of a social and political nature.
Concerns about the increasing conservative tendencies in Australian Muslim Student
Associations are also premature, in the light of available data. Although there does not
seem to be a distinct body of literature or policies that attempts to address Muslim youth
subculture or the questions MSAs pose to Australian Muslim communities, it is safe to
conclude that MSAs individually are distinct and independent entities with varying
approaches to organizing themselves in line with the constitution of MSA National. A
more balanced assessment that avoids simplistic and irrelevant generalizations is needed
in order to better understand the meaning of the projected trend of growing conservatism
in Australian Muslim Student Associations.
Abdo, Genieve. Mecca and Main Street: Muslim Life in America After 9/11.
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2006).
Al, Malki, Amal Mohammed Al-Malki. (2009), Islamic Feminists distinguish
Australian Government and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia see Council for
Australian-Arab Relations (CAAR) and Australia Arab Chamber of Commerce and Industry (AACCI) paper entitled Business Guides to the Arab Gulf: The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia prepared by Bayliss Associates, Pty Ltd.
Bennett, Clinton, Muslims and Modernity: An Introduction to the Issues and
Bensko, N L. , Canetto, S. S, Sugar, J A. and Viney, W (1995) 'Liberal or
Conservative? Gender, Identity, and Perception of Historical Religious Positions' The Journal of Psychology, 129: 6.
Chowdhury, N. (2006). Presenting Islam: The role of Australia-Based Muslim
Student Associations. Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs. 26:2. p. 3.
Constitution of the Muslim Students’ Association of the United States and
Canada. < http://www.msanational.org/about/constitution/ >
Defense Dictionary of Military and Associated terms.
Demirer, Yucel.Shifts in the Classroom Environment after September 11: Notes
from Islam Classes of the Mainland Security, United States. Radical History Review. No. 99, Fall 2007.
Desai, Meghnad. Rethinking Islamism: The Ideology of the New Terror.
Islamic Society of North America (ISNA).
Manji, Irshad. The Trouble with Islam: A Muslim’s Call for Reform in Her Faith.
(Australia: Random House, Australia, 2004).
Minogue, K. (1 967). Conservatism. In P. Edwards (Ed.), the Encyclopaedia of Philosophy (Vol. 2, pp. 195-198). New York: Macmillan.
Müller, J-W (2006) 'Comprehending conservatism: A new framework for
analysis. Journal of Political Ideologies, 11: 3. p. 259.
Muslim Students Association of Concordia University website.
Rabasa, Angela M. Rabasa…[et al]. The Muslim World After 9/11. (The United
States of America: The RAND Corporation, 2004).
Roy, Olivier (translated by George Holoch. Secularism Confronts Islam. (New
Roy, Olivier. Globalised Islam: The Search for a New Ummah. (London: Hurst &
Safi, Omid, ed. Progressive Muslims on Justice, Gender, and Pluralism. (England:
Schwartz, Stephen. The Muslim Student Association: A Wahhabi Front. The National Review Online. (March 10, 2003) originally published on http://www.nationreview.com. < http://22.214.171.124/readArticle.aspx?ARTID=19338 >
Schwartz, Stephen. An Activist’s Guide to Arab and Muslim Campus and
Community Organizations in North America. May 26, 2003. < http://www.discoverthenetworks.org/guides/Muslim%20Booklet.pdf. >
Yazbeck Haddad, Yvonne and Jane I. Smith, ed. Muslims in the West: From
Sojourners to Citizens. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002).
International Student Application Lorain County Community College Office of International Recruitment & Student Support 1005 Abbe Road North, Elyria, Ohio, 44035-1691, United States of America Telephone: 440.366.4794, Toll Free: 1.800.995.5222, extension 4794, Online: www.lorainccc.edu Personal Information Name: _________________________________________________________________
Curriculum Vitae – Prof. Mauro Magnani MAGNANI Prof. Mauro, Professore di Biochimica (BIO 10) Dipartimento di Scienze Biomolecolari Università degli Studi di Urbino "Carlo Bo" Via Saffi, 2 61029 Urbino, Italy Phone +39 0722 305211 Fax +39 0722 305324 firstname.lastname@example.org Nato: 9 Aprile 1953, Italy Lingue: Italiano, Inglese Formazione: Università di Urbino, Italy, 1976 Posizione