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The Politics of Identity and Australian Muslim Students’ Associations: A
Preliminary Survey of the Literature.1
Introduction
The distinction between Islam and the ‘various manifestations of its practice [is] a subtle but extremely important one,’2 when gauging the impact of religiosity on the identities of Muslim youths in diaspora. One might expect that in an age of accelerated global and cultural interaction, an erosion of misconceptions as well as stereotypes vis-à-vis Islam will usher in an enlightened and rational exchange of ideas, debates and thought processes. What experience and objective observation reveals, however, is that this is not necessarily the case. A study of Muslims in diaspora and Muslim youth subculture show that both individually and collectively a progressive Muslim and Islam conscious identity is an underdeveloped field of analysis. Often we hear tired expressions like, ‘young people are the future,’ or ‘the future is in your hands,’ but rarely do we fully understand the implications of such platitudes. 1 This paper was presented to the 18th Biennial Conference of the Asian Studies Association of Australia in Adelaide, 5-8 July 2010. It has been peer reviewed via a double referee process and appears on the Conference Proceedings Website by the permission of the author who retains copyright. This paper may be downloaded for fair use under the Copyright Act (1954), its later amendments and other relevant legislation. 2 Amal Mohammed Al-Malki. (2009), Islamic Feminists distinguish Islam from Muslims. 31 March. (24 April, 2010). One might expect that they are essential to engender hope in both the imaginations of the younger generation and the older generation. In studies of youth culture in Western liberal democratic nation-states,3 literature on Muslim youth subculture, particularly university-aged students, is stereotyped and lacking in comprehensive analysis. Unfortunately some of these analyses of Muslim youths in a post-September 11, geopolitical and socio-cultural climate are coloured by the equally stereotypical opinions of an older generation of Muslim migrants. Such banal observations, although disheartening, are not without merit, further contributing to the lack of critical observations and analyses of Muslim youth subculture. Recent geopolitical events have brought Muslim communities, particularly those in the diasporas, under intense scrutiny. The negative implications of this are now becoming obvious. As a consequence discussions, debates and policy roundtable meetings have been convened to try to help Muslims assimilate and integrate into their ‘new’ homes. Of particular interest to this paper are Muslim students in universities in Australia and the projected trend towards conservatism. The following research tries, to gauge the issues surrounding the concerns expressed in literature about the role of Muslim Student Associations (MSAs) in engendering an Australian Muslim identity. A contemporary study of Muslim youth subculture, particularly in Australia, calls for a different approach than those carried out earlier in order to gauge the connection between student (non)-activism on campus and Conservatism is difficult to adequately define for it is prone to ‘internal contradictions’4. Generally speaking conservatism implies a certain degree of comfort and familiarity for a continuation between historical and contemporary ‘values and positions’.5 Conserving and continuing traditional values and positions itself offers a challenge, for change is inevitable and therefore the values and positions that are 3 A nation-state refers to a state consisting of citizens who are loosely homogenous and are linked through shared history, language, culture and religion. Department of Defense Dictionary of Military and Associated terms. <http://www.dtic.mil/doctrine/jel/doddict/> (29 June, 2010). 4 Müller, J-W (2006) 'Comprehending conservatism: A new framework for analysis. Journal of Political Ideologies, 11: 3. p. 259. 5 Bensko, N L. , Canetto, S. S, Sugar, J A. and Viney, W (1995) 'Liberal or Conservative? Gender, conserved are continually evolving.6 For the purpose of this analysis the term conservative in the context of Islam is used here to refer to individuals who may be considered foundationalists. In other words the preferred source of Islamic guidance by religious conservatives is the Qur’an and the Sunnah (the teachings and sayings of the Prophet Muhammad). The term conservative Muslim therefore is used to refer to a ‘practicing’ Muslim, a Muslim that openly professes Islam as their primary marker of identity and practices the five guiding principles of Islam as set out in the five pillars of Islam. Conservative Muslims are not to be confused with Wahhabism, as tends to be the case. Wahhabism on the other hand is a religio-political movement born from an alliance between the 18th century ruler of the House of Saud and the teachings of Muhammad ibn The purpose of this research is to explore discussions about Muslim Students Associations and their role in shaping the identity of their members. It aims to address the gaps in existing research, demonstrating the pressing need for a more comprehensive inquiry regarding Australian Muslim youth subculture and the role of MSAs following the events of September 11, 2001. By examining the role of MSAs and the issues that arise in understanding the politics of identity of Muslim students, this paper aims to contribute to cultural and religious literacy on campuses in times of social insecurity. The research focuses on undergraduate university students who are predominantly local students. This is no way intends to underplay the role and influence that Muslim international students may have on the identity formation of local students.7 Using the Australian Muslim Students Associations as a case study, the analysis provides an overview of the history, ideology and structure of Muslim Students Associations and a preliminary discussion and evaluation of the factors that purport to be the driving factors that contribute towards the conservatism of Muslim youths on campus, Identity, and Perception of Historical Religious Positions' The Journal of Psychology, 129: 6. p. 629 6 Minogue, K. (1 967). Conservatism. In P. Edwards (Ed.), the Encyclopaedia of Philosophy (Vol. 2, pp. 195-198). New York: Macmillan. 7Chowdhury observes that a significant number of Australian MSAs are made up of international students, predominantly from Malaysia and Indonesia. Furthermore, Chowdhury notes a particularly interesting phenomenon taking place in Australian MSAs, ‘Australian Muslim converts often assume active roles within the MSA. Chowdhury, N. (2006). Presenting Islam: The role of Australia-Based Muslim Student Associations. Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs. 26:2. p. 3. as hypothesized in the literature. Among the broader questions explored in this analysis (i) Is conservatism in Australian MSAs necessarily a negative direction for MSAs? Is this a universal trend or one that manifests itself only in Australian (ii) What accounts for the concerns subtly referred to by commentators and scholars of Muslims in diaspora in the available literature? Muslim Student Associations: A Historical Analysis
On the surface Muslim Student Associations, regardless of where they were created, are like any other ‘collegiate faith group.’8 The point of delineation, however, is the junction where creating a religious, Islamic-friendly environment meets conformity and advocates an ‘association-friendly’ perspective of Islam.9 The Muslim Students’ Association of the United States and Canada (also know as MSA National) was established at a conference organized by the American Muslim Students’ Association in Urbana, Illinois, in 1963.10 According to the constitution of MSA National, its mission [t]o serve the best interest of Islam and Muslims in the United States and Canada so as to enable them to practice Islam as a complete way of life. Towards this end, it shall, in cooperation with the Islamic Society of North America:11 8 Stephen Schwartz. The Muslim Student Association: A Wahhabi Front. The National Review Online. March 10, 2003. Originally published on <http://www.nationreview.com > (10 June 2010). 9 It should be noted here that it is not the intention of the research to pass judgment in favor of, or in opposition to MSAs but to highlight the issues, debates, discussions and points of contention in the study of Australian Muslim youth subculture 10 The Association of Muslim Students in America (AMSA) is the precursor to the existing MSA model found throughout North America and Australia. AMSA merged in 1946 as an organization that addressed and catered to the needs of international Muslim students particularly those from the Arab Muslim world who came to pursue further education in America. AMSA was dissolved in 1976 for unclear and vague reasons that went undocumented. For more information on the relationship, structural and ideological similarities and or differences between MSA National and AMSA see the Muslim Students Association of Concordia University website <http://msa.concordia.ca/main/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=81&Itemid=143> (29 June 2009). 11 According to its own website, the Islam Society of North America (ISNA) is an umbrella organization that attempts to advance the interests, concerns and issues of Muslims in North American to a wider political and social audience. Its mission is to facilitate ‘a common platform for presenting Islam, supporting Muslim communities, developing educational, social and outreach programs and fostering good i. Help Muslim student organizations carry out Islamic programs and projects; ii. Assist Muslim students organizing themselves for Islamic activities; and iii. Mobilize and coordinate the human and material resources of Muslim The constitution of MSA National is a comprehensive document that sets out the conditions of affiliation, the structural organization of present and potential MSA chapters, and the rights and responsibilities of the various chapters. The constitution is no way offensive to Muslims regardless of their religious leanings or lack thereof. This is to say that in an attempt to find the root causes of the conservatism of MSAs, critics cannot use the constitution of MSA National as evidence of conservatism as is the case for HAMAS.13 International observers of the ongoing Israel-Palestine conflict cite HAMAS’ constitution as the reason for the organization’s extremist tendencies. Based on MSA National’s constitution one can observe that based on its ideological platform conservatism in MSA youth subculture is neither institutionalized nor a universal trend. Thus, the conservative traits and/or tendencies of Australian MSAs depend on the makeup of its leaders, its members, and their level of their religiosity and political Muslim Student Associations: A Survey of the Literature.
The literature suggests that a trend towards conservatism has been emerging in Muslim Student Associations (MSAs) in the West in the wake of the September 11 relations with other religious communities, and civic and service organizations. <http://www.isna.net/ISNAHQ/pages/Mission--Vision.aspx#> (05 June 2010) 12 The Constitution of the Muslim Students’ Association of the United States and Canada. <http://www.msanational.org/about/constitution/> (05 June 2010). 13 Harakat al Mawqawama al Islamiyaa [Islamic Resistance Movement, also known as HAMAS] has been listed as a terrorist organization by numerous nation-states. It is a complex organization with numerous religious, political, economic and social reform mandates. 14 The term conservative is not to be mistaken for fundamentalist or traditionalists. Rather it is used here to refer to individuals who may be considered foundationalists. This is to say that their preferred sources of Islamic guidance are heavily influenced by the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad via the Sunnah and the Qur’an. Conservative Muslims are not to be confused with Wahhabism, as it tends to be the case. Wahhabism on the other hand is a religio-political movement born from an alliance between the 18th century ruler of the House of Saudi and the teachings of Muhammad ibn Abdul Wahhab. attacks and the subsequent backlash against Muslim communities in diaspora. Scholars concerned with Islam in the West in general, and Muslim student activism in the West in particular, have largely focused on MSAs as a tool for conservatism, radicalization and, extremism. This one dimensional paradigmatic analysis of MSAs and Muslim youth subculture calls for a different approach. In my attempt to ascertain why a gradual trend towards conservatism is emerging in MSAs, I see that the extant literature divides into three different streams: those of an external nature; the tensions and debates from within; and Arabization.15 Whilst scholars draw their readership’s attention towards these trends they do not necessarily highlight the particular factors that account for them. Academics such as Olivier Roy, Clinton Bennett16, Meghnad Desai17 and Angela M. Rabasa 18 recall the concept of ummah19 and advance the rationale that external factors and Muslim youth’s connectedness to geopolitical affairs involving Muslims abroad is a core concern. A more a convincing theory that allows us to comprehend the conservatism of MSA members is that conflicting tensions between spirituality, religiosity and secularism are contributing factors towards this emerging trend. The emergence of new labels in academia, the media and popular culture to delineate the differences between a terrorist and an ‘every-day’ Muslim has confounded the situation. The list of labels is extensive and does little to shed light on the situation. Labels such as moderate, liberal, and progressive engineer a certain type of response that may be misconstrued and generally does not foster engagement amongst more ‘conservative’ Muslims.20 This is to say that by attaching labels to visible minorities who already feel, either right or wrongly, that they are fodder for discrimination does not foster a more inclusive environment. Rather, these contribute to feelings of isolation. 15 For the purpose of this analysis Arabization is used to refer to the growing influence of Arab cultural and Islamic practices on non-Arab Muslim cultures and traditions. 16 Clinton Bennett, Muslims and Modernity: An Introduction to the Issues and Debates. (London: Continuum, 2005). 17 Meghnad Desai. Rethinking Islamism: The Ideology of the New Terror. (London: I.B. Tauris, 2007). 18 Angela M. Rabasa et al. The Muslim World After 9/11. (The United States of America: The RAND Corporation, 2004). 19 The term ummah is used to denote a common and imagined link between all Muslims generally regardless of color, race, ethnic, cultural ties and locations. Thus, the introduction of new, rather incongruous, labels into the vernacular further contributes to the ‘identity soup’ and the layered complexities of Muslims in Australia. A different perspective espoused by scholars of contemporary Islamic studies such as Genieve Abdo, Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and Omid Safi in ascertaining the rationale for the emerging conservatism in MSAs in America in particular is the internal tensions within Muslim communities. This perspective notes that past generations of Muslim migrants to the West were focused on economic gains and upward social mobility. In their pursuit of greater wealth, ‘the first generation of immigrants arrived with a pristine ‘ethnic culture’21 which had no experience in adapting Islamic practices and traditions to unfamiliar and essentially ‘un-Islamic’ environs. For these academics the problems of the Muslim youths in diaspora lies within their own society. Yucel Demirer observes that ‘… the most significant division … was not between Muslims and non-Muslims with their different religious backgrounds, but between those of different levels of knowledge, interest [and experiences of] Islam.’22 So in search of the true Islam, second generation Muslims were faced with conflicting conceptions of what it meant to be a Muslim in a non-Muslim society. These emotions resonate with university students who are largely removed from the influence of their parents. MSAs have tended to fill this void in the perceived cultural and identity crisis amongst Muslim students on campus, thus producing what I refer to as ‘born again’ Lastly, the growing influence and usurpation of MSA leadership posts by international students – particularly those from the Middle East – is put forth as perhaps the strongest argument in explaining the trend towards conservatism. The influence of ‘desert Islam’23 and the Arabization of MSAs has been described by Manji as doing a 20 Omid Safi. 2003. 21 Olivier Roy Globalised Islam: The Search for a New Ummah (London, UK: Hurst & Company, 2004), 122. 22 Yucel Demirer. Shifts in the Classroom Environment after September 11: Notes from Islam Classes of the Mainland Security, United States. Radical History Review: 99,227-241, Fall 2007. 23 Irshad Manji uses the term ‘desert Islam’ to lambaste the growing influence and penetration of ‘Arab’ cultural practices into the non-Arab Muslim cultures masquerading as Islamic traditions. Manji bemoans and foreshadows the consequences of ‘desert Islam’ on the lives of Muslims who call the West home for generations. Irshad Manji, The Trouble with Islam: A Muslim’s Call for Reform in her Faith. (Australia: Random House Australia, 2004). disservice to the progression and participation of Muslims in the West. Australian Muslim Student Associations: A Review
The relevance of external factors in contributing to the growing conservatism of MSAs is more often than not exaggerated by those who champion this perspective. An oft-cited but not well articulated hypothesis that explains the conservatism of MSAs is the concept of Arabization. Despite the popularity in the literature of this explanatory view, it does not necessarily facilitate an understanding of the wider issues that preoccupy Muslim youth in the diaspora. On the contrary, the internal frustrations of Muslim youth and the generational tensions between first generation immigrant Muslims and their children is more likely to be the reason than other factors hypothesized by External factors refer to the frustration with the state and condition of the Muslim ummah; the ‘war on terror’ and the foreign policies of their respective government’s vis-à-vis the Middle East. The significance of the events of September 11 and its influence in shaping the conservatism of Muslim youths, particularly university youths in Australia, is greatly exaggerated.24 The following analysis highlights that although this event may well have reinforced xenophobic and Islamophobic tendencies towards Muslims these examples cannot necessarily be used as evidence to suggest the reality of conservative tendencies of MSA members. Despite there been an element of truth in the sentiment that when the nineteen terrorists ‘hijacked, planes, they hijacked Islam,’25 the issue is more complex. The reality is that most Muslims in Australia are naturalized citizens and it is the actions and blind support of their government’s vis-à-vis the ‘war on terror’ and the war in Iraq that preoccupy MSA round table discussions. Academics who advance external factors as the reason for Muslim student 24 It is not the intention of the research to downplay the impact of September 11 or attitudes and emotions of Australians following the attacks. 25 Genieve Abdo. Mecca and Main Street: Muslim Life in America after 9/11. (New York, US: Oxford University Press, 2006). 13. conservatism are not necessarily incorrect. Nonetheless, external factors are not sufficient in gauging the factors that contribute to the observed conservative tendencies in Australian MSAs. Notwithstanding the superficial nature of Arabization as a contributing factor, external factors have not affected the appeal of advancing external dynamics in academia in illuminating the reasons for conservatism. The influence of Arabization in the debate has largely been diluted by a significant factor: a growing number of Australian MSAs are comprised of local Muslims, not necessarily international students. The non-significance of Arabization cannot, however, be considered as significant discourse in explaining conservatism in MSAs for religiosity and spirituality is to some extent influenced by notable and respected shuyuks26and self-appointed spokespeople from the Middle East. The concept of the Arabization of MSA youth subculture is discussed by Irshad Manji. Manji laments the lack of individual thought and then near extinction of the once revered practice of ijtihad27 amongst Muslim youths in the West. Manji’s narrow focus on the concept of Arabization as a cause for concern in creating an environment that facilitates conservatism reaffirms conventional opinions in scholarship regarding Muslim youths in the cultural and geographic West. Stephen Schwartz’s damning opinions of MSAs as an ‘octopus-like entity’28 to garner support for questionable characters like the late Saddam Hussein and a cover for Wahhabi-inspired terrorist organizations has become mainstream and tediously conventional.29 In his study of North American MSAs, Schwartz provides a 26 The term shuyukh is the plural for the Arabic word sheikh. The term sheikh is used to refer to a religious and theological leader of a Muslim community. At times it can also be used as an honorary title, further contributing to the slippery and subjective nature of religious and theological terms, particularly in an age of political correctness. 27 The term ijtihad literally means effort. It refers to the ability to exercise independent judgment when reading and/or analyzing Islamic texts (i.e. the Qur’an, the Sunnah, and subsequent secondary material). Irshad Manji (2004), 202. 28 Stephen Schwartz. An Activist’s Guide to Arab and Muslim Campus and Community Organizations in North America. May 26, 2003 <http://www.discoverthenetworks.org/guides/Muslim%20Booklet.pdf.> (10 June 2010) comprehensive exposé of the links between MSAs in North America and other Muslim organizations funded by nation-states in the Middle East.30 Although it is true that in the early stages of the evolution and formation of MSAs in North America, financial and ideological support was provided by the Saudi government, nowadays this is not the case.31 What is particularly puzzling is why the nature and origin of the funding of MSAs come into question - particularly if it is from Saudi Arabia - when an alliance between the Australian government and Saudi Arabia is accepted without reservations.32 Such peculiarities erode the analytical credibility of the concept of Arabization as a persuasive explanation into the conservatism of Australian MSAs. The internal frustrations referred to in this analysis are the interactions of Australian Muslim youths with one another, not the internal dynamics of MSAs per se, even though they are not mutually exclusive. Rather the external dynamics of the internal contribute to conservative tendencies of MSAs. Academics that ascribe to this view explore the generational tensions and the quest for a spiritual and religious Muslim identity as opposed to a cultural Muslim identity. Olivier Roy, Quintain Wictorowicz, Tariq Ramadan and Clinton Bennett point to the unspoken and often unheeded tension-riddled dialogue between Islam and secularism and how the two can reconcile their differences and come to a mutual understanding of how living an Islamic life in a Western society acts as catalysts for frictions in Muslim diasporas. Even though it is standard (even a cliché) to cite September 11 as the reawakening of the Muslim ummah, it is true for the mainstream. In the wake of September 11, Muslims in the West ‘felt an urgent need to embrace their beliefs and Islamic unity as a unified community.’33 Calls for self-evaluation and reform from within 30 Ibid. 31 Genieve Abdo (2006), 49. 32 For an insight into the financial links between the Australian Government and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia see Council for Australian-Arab Relations (CAAR) and Australia Arab Chamber of Commerce and Industry (AACCI) paper entitled Business Guides to the Arab Gulf: The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia prepared by Bayliss Associates, Pty Ltd. (12 August, 2010). have occupied copious volumes of scholarship given that Muslims in the diaspora are faced with the challenge to uphold Islamic principles whilst establishing and reinforcing a sense of belonging. This is to say that an unnoticed phenomenon is taking place on Australian campuses vis-à-vis Australian Muslims- namely, the problems associated with self-identification and the articulation of identity. As trivial as this sounds, how an individual defines themself is critical to their sense of security as well as their allegiances Questions surrounding identity are as divisive as the underlying generational tensions existing in Muslim communities in the West. The identity soup of existing labels for Muslims serves the purpose to first isolate Muslims, thus making them appear more and more like the feared other, and second to compel Muslims to further internalize their frustration and search for other forms of belonging. It is this void that MSAs The generational tensions are considered to be a result of the ambiguities and complexities surrounding notions of identity. The older generation of Muslim migrants have particularly focused on cultural expressions of Islam. This is to say that older generations were particularly focused on their own interpretation of Islam inspired by their cultural and ancestral values, as opposed to an authentic and true Islam. This idiosyncrasy is mainly found in Arab and South East Asian Muslim diasporas. Examples of such values would be reinforcing gender stereotypes, encouraging gender-specific careers, reinforcing ethnic superiorities and other idiosyncrasies that are at odds with the aspiration of the younger generation of Muslim students today. The younger generation, rather a large portion of the second generation of Muslims, seems to be focusing on nurturing a spiritual Muslim identity. MSAs nowadays provide them with an opportunity to incorporate their desire ‘to embrace Islam with negotiating the rigors of daily life … Conclusion
The study of Muslim youth subculture is still in its infancy. Discourse on Australian Muslim youth subculture, particularly on MSAs, is largely fixated on the external influences acting on the MSAs. This is not conducive to reaching valid conclusions that have the potential to influence policies of a social and political nature. Concerns about the increasing conservative tendencies in Australian Muslim Student Associations are also premature, in the light of available data. Although there does not seem to be a distinct body of literature or policies that attempts to address Muslim youth subculture or the questions MSAs pose to Australian Muslim communities, it is safe to conclude that MSAs individually are distinct and independent entities with varying approaches to organizing themselves in line with the constitution of MSA National. A more balanced assessment that avoids simplistic and irrelevant generalizations is needed in order to better understand the meaning of the projected trend of growing conservatism in Australian Muslim Student Associations.
References

Abdo, Genieve. Mecca and Main Street: Muslim Life in America After 9/11. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006). <http://www.salaam.co.uk/maktabi/islamophobia.html> Al, Malki, Amal Mohammed Al-Malki. (2009), Islamic Feminists distinguish Australian Government and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia see Council for Australian-Arab Relations (CAAR) and Australia Arab Chamber of Commerce and Industry (AACCI) paper entitled Business Guides to the Arab Gulf: The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia prepared by Bayliss Associates, Pty Ltd. Bennett, Clinton, Muslims and Modernity: An Introduction to the Issues and Bensko, N L. , Canetto, S. S, Sugar, J A. and Viney, W (1995) 'Liberal or Conservative? Gender, Identity, and Perception of Historical Religious Positions' The Journal of Psychology, 129: 6. Chowdhury, N. (2006). Presenting Islam: The role of Australia-Based Muslim Student Associations. Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs. 26:2. p. 3. Constitution of the Muslim Students’ Association of the United States and Canada. < http://www.msanational.org/about/constitution/ > Defense Dictionary of Military and Associated terms. Demirer, Yucel. Shifts in the Classroom Environment after September 11: Notes from Islam Classes of the Mainland Security, United States. Radical History Review. No. 99, Fall 2007. Desai, Meghnad. Rethinking Islamism: The Ideology of the New Terror. Islamic Society of North America (ISNA). <http://www.isna.net/ISNAHQ/pages/Mission--Vision.aspx#> Manji, Irshad. The Trouble with Islam: A Muslim’s Call for Reform in Her Faith. (Australia: Random House, Australia, 2004). Minogue, K. (1 967). Conservatism. In P. Edwards (Ed.), the Encyclopaedia of Philosophy (Vol. 2, pp. 195-198). New York: Macmillan. Müller, J-W (2006) 'Comprehending conservatism: A new framework for analysis. Journal of Political Ideologies, 11: 3. p. 259. Muslim Students Association of Concordia University website. <http://msa.concordia.ca/main/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=81&Itemid=143> Rabasa, Angela M. Rabasa…[et al]. The Muslim World After 9/11. (The United States of America: The RAND Corporation, 2004). Roy, Olivier (translated by George Holoch. Secularism Confronts Islam. (New Roy, Olivier. Globalised Islam: The Search for a New Ummah. (London: Hurst & Safi, Omid, ed. Progressive Muslims on Justice, Gender, and Pluralism. (England: Schwartz, Stephen. The Muslim Student Association: A Wahhabi Front. The National Review Online. (March 10, 2003) originally published on http://www.nationreview.com. < http://97.74.65.51/readArticle.aspx?ARTID=19338 > Schwartz, Stephen. An Activist’s Guide to Arab and Muslim Campus and Community Organizations in North America. May 26, 2003. < http://www.discoverthenetworks.org/guides/Muslim%20Booklet.pdf. > Yazbeck Haddad, Yvonne and Jane I. Smith, ed. Muslims in the West: From Sojourners to Citizens. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002).


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